Wonder Years Live On–In Tampa

It was the racially riotous 1960s.

The clean-cut, thickly-bespeckled, 30-ish white man hailed a cabfor two that night on Broad Street in the hardscrabble section of North Philadelphia. Then the coat-and-tied gent and his more informally-garbed younger companion hopped in. Actually, the teenager silently scooted in first and sat behind the driver, whopaid him no mind.

“Boy, I’ll tell you it’s a good thing you were under the light because I almost never stop for anybody in this neighborhood,”said the cabby to the adult.

“Oh is that right?” he reflexively responded.

“Yeah, the niggers around here, you can’t trust ’em.” There then followed a mini-monologue sprinkled with less-than-flattering racial stereotypes.

The cab-hailer then reached over and squeezed the arm of his fellow backseat passenger, the overlooked teen–the overlooked black teen–as if to say: “Don’t let on. I’ll handle it.”

They soon pulled up at their well-lit hotel. Both passengers exited, walked around to the driver’s side and poked their heads inside his window. The cabbie’s face froze.

“You know you don’t deserve this,” said the white adult, who added a more-than-modest tip to the fare. After having taken the high road, the two then turned, walked away and laughed uproariously at the fool the cabbie had made of himself.

The white guy was Ted Hull, the tutor, mentor, chaperone, concert negotiator–and ad-hoc road manager–for the black kid. The black kid was Stevie Wonder, who had been rehearsingearlier for his Motown gig at the Uptown Theater, Philadelphia’sversion of Harlem’s iconic Apollo.

“Thinking back, a sense of humor was critically important,” explains Hull, now in his 70s and a resident of South Tampa. “It was a way of defusing a situation while making sure we made our point. Then we’d talk about it.”

The Philly incident had been another day at the teachable-moment office for the unlikely tandem. Seeminglyunlikely.

Actually Stevie Wonder and Ted Hull were the Ebony and Ivory prequel. One was black, one was white, but both were vision-impaired. Stevie was blind and Ted legally so. Truly wondrous Stevie was musically gifted. Merely talented Ted played the guitar, the piano and liked to write music and lyrics.

Moreover, Ted also held a degree from Michigan State University in special education for the visually impaired. Stevieneeded a guiding hand navigating adolescence, learning life and receiving formal schooling. He needed an older brother, a father figure and an educated, worldly enough guardian to shield him from show business exploitation, protect him from societal ’60sturbulence and prepare him for off-stage adulthood.

They met when the 13-year-old Stevie was still dubbed “Little.” They parted seven years later when Stevie was a high school graduate–and bigger than Elvis.

Initial Meeting

Ted, who retired in 2004 as the Tampa-based districtadministrator for Florida’s Division of Blind Services, fondlyharkens back to the day they met in September of 1963.

He had initially received a phone call from Esther Gordy Edwards, the older sister of Motown founder Berry Gordy. Motown had this prodigy, “Little Stevie Wonder”–the erstwhileSteveland Judkins of Detroit–for whom fame and fortune obviously were beckoning. But the sixth-grader was too often a public school no-show. “Hitsville” rehearsals and recording sessions too often trumped his attendance at FitzgeraldElementary School, which was hardly unique in being unable to provide a blind-sensitive curriculum. Motown knew it couldn’t be in the business of marketing and making money off of a “truant.”

Hence the call to Ted, at the time a first-year program director for a private school for blind children near Detroit. Motown needed a “tutor” for its rising, young star. And while Ted had heard of Motown, including the Four Tops and The Temptations, he had never heard of “Little Stevie Wonder.” He bought a little time to mull it over. The Tennessee native’smusical taste ran more to classic country and traditional mainstream. But when a friend pointed out a Stevie Wonder song, “Fingertips,” playing on the radio, Ted was impressed. “Fingertips” went on to top the pop charts that year.

When Esther called back, Ted accepted–after negotiating a salary of $8,000 and a written contract that was not part of Motown’s modus operandi. Basically, Esther gave him a hand-written note saying “You’re hired,” he recalls with a chuckle. “Iwas young and maybe naive,” concedes Ted. “I thought lots of travel, all expenses paid and more money than teaching ($5,200). Plus, help make Stevie a bigger star. Why not?”

He met Stevie the next day at a press conference called to celebrate “Fingertips,” hype a new album–and publicly introduce Ted. “He was skinny, looked about 9 years old and came up to my shoulder,” says Ted of literally little Stevie. “We shook hands and the first thing he said was: ‘Are you blind too?’That would mean a lot to the relationship.”

The only thing he regrets–sort of–is taking a salary in lieu of a percentage. “I would have made more money, that’s for sure,” acknowledges Ted. “But I was sensitive to anybody, especially Lula (Hardaway, Stevie’s loud, in-your-face mother) who might think I was exploiting Stevie.”

More Than “Tutoring”

His “tutorial” duties, he would soon find out, defied any applicable job description.

First, he had to deal with overlapping, often over-the-topconstituencies–from Motown bottom-liners and concertpromoters to access-demanding fans and media to the mercurial Lula. Then there was the inherent conflict between studio and school work.

Shortly after signing on, Ted realized that the studio had been a history of habitually “calling at any time” to rehearse or record.Never know when inspiration would strike, as it were. “That,” says Ted, “was something I couldn’t concede control over. I had to be tough and look out for Stevie. They wanted to make money. That was the business. I understood, but I had to get the message out: ‘Don’t ask, don’t call–after 8 p.m.'”

Ted also addressed the issue of “blindisms” (unconscious, physical mannerisms of the blind: think Ray Charles’ swaying).He worked to get Stevie to reduce the habit of rotating his upper body in a wide circle, which can be distracting to an audience.He also taught him to walk on stage–from the curtain to the microphone and between instruments.

Ironically, however, Ted’s efforts to mitigate, if not eliminate, any “pity factor” semblance were not fully supported by Motown. “Some at Motown wanted to play up the blindness,” says Ted. “Because it was part of his identity. Made him, presumably, ‘more interesting.'”

Early in his tutor tenure Ted also experienced his most embarrassing moment. It was over an autograph. Normally the Motown people handed out autographed, promotional photos of Stevie Wonder that someone else had pre-signed. Ted thought Stevie should, to the extent possible, participate in his own promotion. And by so doing, it would give him a sense of independence and some autonomy.

So, in response to young fan’s unexpected request for an autograph, Ted didn’t hesitate. He grabbed Stevie’s hand–much to the surprise and chagrin of on-looking Motown insiders–and guided him through the spelling of his own name. Capitalizing on a classic rite-of-passage opportunity.

Only one problem. He had signed it “Stevey Wonder.”

“It’s probably somebody’s collector’s item today,” sheepishly adds Ted. “And I’m still a bad speller. It’s my other disability.”

And then there was the Motown tour itself that Stevie was such a prominent part of. Ted soon found out that they were on the road 75 percent of the time. The remainder was spent at Ted’s high school alma mater, the Michigan (Boarding) School for the Blind, where Stevie would ultimately earn his high school diploma. Ted dovetailed his lesson plans with MSB’s curriculum.

Easier said than done.

Ted would learn that he was never really off-the-job, especiallyon those tours. As it turned out, lugging around a talking-book machine, a tape recorder, a braille writer, a slate and stylus,braille and print books, braille paper, teachers’ manuals and a cube board (for math instruction) was, although a logistical hassle, the easy part.

Finding enough time, an acceptable location and a suitablelearning environment was the constant challenge. They used hotel rooms, dressing rooms and theater basements. (When scheduling permitted, however, Ted would try to use notablelandmarks, domestic and overseas, to give Stevie a sense of what was out there beyond the next show. “To the degree we could manage it, the world became his classroom,” says Ted.)

“Stevie never gave me a problem,” recalls Ted. “Never complained. He knew he had obligations. He knew he had homework. He always wanted to please.”

They even tried, to little avail, to shoehorn in some work on the tour bus. “We were both too self-conscious,” Ted explains.”Stevie would pretend to be asleep, and I would pretend that he was.”

Race Matters

As for that bus, it was a vehicle to fame for some of the top newblack talent in the business–including The Four Tops, The Temptations, Marvin Gaye, Gladys Knight, Diana Ross and the Supremes, Martha (Reeves) and the Vandellas, Smokey Robinson and the Miracles and more. It was also an exercise in reverse racial dynamics. Aside from three salespeople (whose job it was to pitch white dee jays), Ted was the lone white person at Motown. Some of the performers were more color blind than others.

Ted speaks well of Smokey Robinson, for example, as he doesThe Four Tops. Less so of Martha Reeves as well as The Temptations. The latter were notorious role models for an impressionable teen talent and known to pack heat. He remembers Diana Ross as “cultured, smart and pretty.” And pretty “flirtatious” too. Ted was seriously tempted, he admits, to ask her out, but never yielded to the temptation. “Interracial dating was not well accepted,” emphasizes Ted. “On either side.”

Interracial anything, of course, could be dicey in the America of the combustible ’60s. On occasion, Ted would seemingly incitesome black Stevie Wonder fans who resented a buttoned-down,white buffer helping with crowd-of-color control. Many of the Northern venues were proximate to “ghetto” neighborhoods where the only white faces were those of cops.

Down South, Jim Crow still prevailed–from segregated schools, buses and restaurant counters to separate bathrooms and water fountains. The 1964 murder of the Freedom Riders was a graphic reminder that whites in the company of blacks were alsovulnerable to the most malignant outgrowths of racism.

While he was never physically harmed or shot at, Ted does remember sensing periodic animosity, especially at roadside diners. “I couldn’t see well enough to make out all the gestures and looks,” he says. “But you could sense it. Sometimes it made me nervous. But I never had a gun pointed at me. At least I never saw one. But, yes, I did hear shots on occasion.”

But, no, Ted never considered himself a civil rights activist–or even brave. “I was just being myself,” he says. “I was a talented kid’s tutor, not someone trying to be a hero. I was a live-and-let-live sort, even in those times.”

But Motown, per se, Ted points out, played a key role in race relations back in the day. “It reached out to listeners of all colors,” he notes. “Nelson Mandela praised it. It was the first black company to sell music to whites. And Motown was the caretaker of everything Martin Luther King ever recorded.”

And some of that impact beyond self-interest rubbed off on Stevie. Sure, he’s in the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and has won 25 Grammys, but Stevie Wonder was also a key catalyst in pushing for the national MLK Day that President Ronald Reagan formally declared in 1983. He’s also been named an official United Nations Messenger of Peace, joining the honored likes of Elie Wiesel, Yo-Yo Ma and George Clooney.

“He fought for the MLK holiday, and he’s considered a messenger for peace around the world,” says Ted. “That’s quite a legacy right there. I hope I had something to do with that.”

He did. And that’s quite a legacy as well.

These days erstwhile tutor and student are occasionally in touch. They spoke last year and five years ago Ted caught up with Stevie back stage at an Atlanta concert that drew 14,000. He admits to being moved by the on-stage shout-out of tribute he received from Stevie that night. When not touring, Stevie, 62,can be found in Bel Air, Calif., writing songs in the key of life in his own studio.

“No, we don’t see each other that much,” says Ted. “But when we do, it’s just like yesterday again. He’ll be at my funeral.”

In the mean time, Ted still does occasional book signings forThe Wonder Years: My Life and Times With Stevie Wonder, that he penned in 2000. In fact, he’s actively pursuing leads with those who indicate that a movie version of a uniquely compelling, coming-of-age American story is worth undertaking. And imagine that sound track.                       #

Right Reason, Right Timing For Kathy Castor

Kathy Castor was in Cuba a fortnight ago. No, she didn’t make the media splash that Beyoncé and Jay-Z did. Her un-hyped visit merely mattered.

It mattered because this Cold War relic that is America’s dysfunctional relationship with Cuba cannot continue indefinitely. At some point, the octogenarian Castro brothers will be gone and the increasingly noticeable seeds of generational change–on both the island and in the sovereign state of South Florida–will finally flower. Enlightened self-interest ultimately will trump  imperialist scapegoats, revolutionary vendettas and intimidated Yanqui politicians.

And no place is better positioned–historically, geographically, logistically and economically–to take advantage of a common-sense policy reset and inevitable rapprochement than this state, particularly this region and specifically this city. Tampa Bay is home to the third largest Cuban-American population (80,000) in the U.S. and has the sort of non-hostile, nostalgic Cuban history that Miami’s exile community can’t touch–or comprehend. It has the deep-water Port of Tampa, which once supplied pre-Castro Havana with more than half of its American imports, and thrice-weekly Cuba-bound, direct flights from Tampa International Airport.

And now, courtesy of U.S. Rep. Castor, D-Tampa, it has its own native-born member of Congress who has traveled to Cuba. For those keeping score, her visit was only the second time since the Cuban Revolution that a member of the Florida Congressional delegation had actually set foot on the island.

You know it matters when Washington politicians with Florida roots aren’t willing to underscore their state’s case for improved Cuban-U.S. relations by voicing it in Havana. So, it stands to reason that it now matters that a Washington politician with Tampa roots has done so. There’s, frankly, only so much Al Fox can do; only so much Ralph Fernández can undo. Timing is everything, and Castor, who will provide input on her visit to the president and the secretary of state, had to show the federal flag for Tampa Bay.

While acknowledging a level of repression and “civil rights challenges” in Cuba, Castor also points out that “Cuba is changing.” It’s significant, she says, that Cuba is “a communist country beginning to move toward a market economy.” She wants a reciprocal response from the U.S. As in “trying something new.” As in normalizing relations, which would mean unfettered travel for Americans and the end of the trade embargo that has been on the books for more than a half century.

She also makes it clear what her prime motivation was in going to Cuba.

“First and foremost, for our community,” says Castor. “It seems we talk with Cuban-American families every day. … It’s about travel and visas. And I do it for the long-term economic potential that includes small businesses, the port and the airport. It’s not earth-shattering, but it matters.”

An interesting perspective is that of Jim Davis, the former congressman from Tampa. He is, in fact, that other member of the Florida delegation to visit Cuba since 1959. He went in 2003, when Fidel Castro and George W. Bush were still in charge. Nothing meaningfully changed. The Tampa Democrat knows how frustratingly slow progress on such a sensitive geopolitical subject can be. But he also senses inevitability.

“It’s apparent there is change coming,” emphasizes Davis, now an attorney with Holland & Knight. “(U.S. Rep.) Joe García was elected to Congress (from South Florida), and he’s not a hard-liner. There’s also generational change. There are more people traveling back and forth. Yes, it’s still slow, but you can see it.”

He can also see Castor becoming an increasingly major player on the Cuba issue. “I think she’ll use her trip to tell the story of Cuba. She will get to play a significant part in the national debate,” he predicts. “I think you have to kind of think outside the box here. I think Kathy’s well positioned.

“Kathy is really the one now,” adds Davis. “And when she believes in something, she goes for it.”

Not that Castor doesn’t otherwise have her hands full in Congress–and within the Florida congressional delegation–but Cuba could be her legacy. The end of Castro, the era of Castor. Just re-arrange the letters.

Don Castor Remembered

Kathy Castor cut short by a day her scheduled four-day, fact-finding Cuban trip after being notified that her ailing, 81-year-old father had taken a turn for the worse. Donald F. Castor passed away three days after she returned.

I didn’t know Judge Don Castor during his 20-year tenure as a Hillsborough County judge, but I knew of his reputation: a penchant for creative sentences and a compassion for the less fortunate. He was the first executive director of the Bay Area Legal Services. That there is a Judge Don Castor Community Law Center speaks volumes.

I did, however, get to know Don Castor in retirement. Even as his health deteriorated and  mobility all but halted, he was no less gracious and no less conversationally involved–from world travels to college basketball to hardball politics. He remained a frequent–and feisty–attendee at the Tiger Bay Club of Tampa luncheons. Native son Don Castor was a smart, compassionate gentleman. The Castor family–and the Tampa Bay community–lost a good one.

Bill Nelson: Epiphany Light

Ultimately, Florida Sen. Bill Nelson made the right call on same-sex marriage. He just should have called it what it was: a forced hand. By society, by politics.

“I will add my name to the petition of senators asking the Supreme Court to declare the law that prohibits gay marriage unconstitutional,” Nelson has now declared. His reasoning: The traditional model of marriage as the exclusive institutional purview of a man and a woman was, upon further reflection, downright inconsistent with beliefs embedded in the Declaration of Independence as well as his Christian faith. “To discriminate against one class and not another is wrong for me,” he underscored. Left unsaid: He had held out for wrong for a long time.

But epiphany happens. In the case of Nelson, 70, the Declaration and the Bible suddenly seemed less than, well, convincingly declarative on the subject–just hours after he had last voiced long-held, principled opposition to same-sex marriage. Epiphanies can be so unnervingly blindsiding.

If Nelson’s agenda had included credibility as well as gay-marriage equality and political pragmatism, he might have said:

“I have heard from my constituents–indeed, have I ever! And I have seen the polls that show a society increasingly embracing gay marriage. In fact, a majority already do–and the demographics skew young. There’s no going back. The die of marriage equality is cast. Before the Supreme Court renders its opinion, before gay-marriage is a de facto reality, I want to be on the record–while being on the record is still worth something–in support of both gay unions and gay marriages. In fact, this Democrat in good standing will most assuredly be signing that petition asking the Court to declare unconstitutional California’s ban on gay marriage.

“Let me be candid here. Personally, I’m not quite there yet. Yes, I’m evolving but, no, I’ve not actually had my St. Paul moment. But it would be blatantly unfair of me–as one of only 100 senators in Congress–to let my personal beliefs, and maybe they are antediluvian, impede progress toward equality for all Americans. Male and female, gay and straight.

“And, frankly, I like being on the right side of history.”

Marco Rubio: Hypocrisy Heavy

While Sen. Nelson will be changing his vote on same-sex marriage, Florida’s other senator, Marco Rubio, won’t. But instead of having the guts to proclaim his religious objections, which are still shared by a significant minority, Rubio takes, unsurprisingly, a disingenuous route–saying that same-sex marriage is a matter best left up to states.

What a self-serving weasel.

The discredited “states’ rights” code is pure political shorthand. To Rubio, this is less a matter of principle and advancing equality than it is a career-enhancing strategy. To wit: Down the road this could placate fundamentalist primary voters–but ostensibly not alienate others. Unless, of course, enough voters see through it.

Castor On Cuba

Congresswoman Kathy Castor returned a day early from her Cuban trip to be with her dad, Judge Don Castor, who was in failing health and passed away on Tuesday. As a result, vicarious irony underscored her Havana visit.

“My dad has been a world traveler,” noted Castor. “Probably a hundred countries or more. But he’d never been to Cuba. He was thrilled that I was able to go.”

After three whirlwind days on the island, Castor’s “biggest takeaway”–bigger than “warm, friendly” people, “eye-opening” poverty and obvious maintenance issues with once-elegant edifices–was “a communist country that is beginning to move toward a market economy.”

And while Castor’s Cuban sortie hardly lacks for political subplots, her prime motivator was her home town, she emphasized.

“First and foremost, I went for our community,” she said. “It seems I talk with Cuban-American families every day. In the supermarket, in the beauty shop. It’s about travel and about visas. And I do it for the long-term economic potential that includes small businesses and the port and airport. No, it’s not earth-shattering, but it matters.”

Jeb’s Charter Legacy

More than a half dozen years after Jeb Bush left Tallahassee, Florida’s “education governor” has left an evolving legacy that is more than FCAT “accountability.”

Quantitatively, Florida has two of the top10 school districts in the country when it comes to charter-school students. Miami-Dade County, at number 6, has 35,000 charter students. Broward, at number 10, has more than 23,000.

Qualitatively, Florida has an ongoing love-hate relationship with charters. They’ve been lavishly praised by some for being a welcome public-school alternative, but publicly criticized by many more on several fronts–ranging from problematic for-profit management-taxpayer scenarios to underperformance to questions of operational oversight.

As for locals, Hillsborough County, with 6,100 charter students, grew 52 percent from the previous school year. This is second in the country in rate of growth.

Felon Rights Restoration

This will sound less than fair to some, but I’m not in favor of the automatic restoration of civil rights to felons who have completed their sentences. Despite what some editorial boards posit, despite what the Legislative Black Caucus urges, despite what Chris Matthews blathers or Rachel Maddow opines.

Having said that, however, let me back up for perspective.

Two years ago, Florida’s Clemency Board (aka Scott, Bondi & Co.) adopted new–totally un-Charlie Crist-like–rules for released felons. They overreacted. Instead of the streamlined, often automatic, process initiated under Gov. Crist (in 2007), there was now a bureaucratic maze requiring felons to wait five to seven years after finishing their sentencing before even applying for a return of civil rights. It’s hardly happenstance that in 2007 39,000 felons regained their rights. In 2011, 78 did.

This isn’t right, but that’s what we got from Florida’s Ideology Board. The reality is that most felons don’t stay locked-up in jail. And serious impediments to reintegration into the general population have a notable societal downside. It’s called recidivism. According to the Florida Parole Commission, the recidivism rate is three times less among those who have had their rights restored.

What Florida needs to do is return to sensibly streamlining the process for felons (with allowances for violent and non-violent offenders)–not because we believe in benevolence, but because it’s in society’s enlightened self interest to do so. But it should not be automatic. It shouldn’t come with mustering out and the return of personal effects. It should be earned–but without counter-productively long waiting periods that confer a frustrating, “stateless” sort of status.

Two key points need to be underscored.

It’s hard to argue with the contention that those who have paid their debt to society should now automatically regain all rights–including the right to vote, hold elected office and serve on juries. Well, it’s hard, but it’s not impossible. “Paid their debt” is one of those catch phrases–like “right to choose” and “choose life”–that has subplots to it.

A plea deal, for example, may have resulted in a reduced (debt) sentence. Expedient legal stuff happens. There is also the victim factor, depending on the crime. Even after “closure,” there is no unscarring of the scarred. If a victim is not made whole, how has that societal debt been squared away? Literally, how can it ever be?

Obviously, there are as many inherent limits and variables as there are felons and felonies. Enough so that nothing should be automatic–as in the blanket restoration of rights. Enough so that the passive serving of a required sentence isn’t equated with actually “earning” something. It’s not inappropriate to want further proof of “reform,” both as an inmate and as an ex-prisoner. It’s fair as well as prudent to ask for a good-faith track record, however defined, for whatever reasonable time frame. Perhaps a calendar year after release.

But that Board of Ideology’s extended waiting period and hoop-jumping isn’t fair–either to felons trying to start over or to the rest of us who have them in our midst.

The other point. This issue is necessarily seen through the lens of racial disenfranchisement. If it affects a disproportionate number of minorities, goes the rationale, it is–ipso facto–a form of racial discrimination. Not always the case.

For example, in 2010 about 500,000 African-Americans–or 23 percent of the state’s black voting age population–could not vote because of a felony conviction, according to The Sentencing Project, a Washington-based criminal justice reform group. The data lead to various conclusions– and at least one rhetorical question: Don’t you have to be a criminal before you can be a non-voting “disenfranchised” felon?

Don’t we need to address that skewed incarceration rate, which adversely impacts society, before tackling the restoration of felons’ rights?

Who Had The Better Year?

Much has been made of the fact that Roger Dearing makes more than Rick Scott, the governor of Florida. That’s because Dearing, who you’ve likely never heard of, is the executive director of the Florida High School Athletic Association. He takes home $151,000 a year. The state allots Gov. Scott $130,000.

It might seem a blatantly skewed priority to be allocating the Sunshine State’s (salary-declining) governor an amount that is less than someone who leads an organization of 29 employees doing work that is arguably far less important than that of a mega-state’s chief executive.

This sort of bizarre juxtaposition harkens back to a certain celebrated salary comparison for relevant context. The year was 1930. Babe Ruth was coming off a 1929 season in which he hit 46 home runs, knocked in 154 runs and had a .345 batting average. He signed with the Yankees for an unprecedented $80,000. President Herbert Hoover, who made $75,000, was coming off a relatively depressing experience.

When baited with a question about the disparity between an athlete’s salary and that of the president of the United States, Ruth was famously quick on his brutally candid retort. “I know,” he acknowledged, “but I had a better year than Hoover.”